By Mahdi Darius Nazemroaya
September 29, 2011
war against Libya is built on fraud. The United Nations Security Council passed two resolutions against Libya on the basis
of unproven claims, specifically that Colonel Muammar Qaddafi was killing his own people in Benghazi and Libya. The claim
in its exact form was that Qaddafi had ordered Libyan forces to kill 6,000 people in Benghazi and Libya. These claims were
widely disseminated, but always vaguely explained. It was on the basis of this claim that Libya was referred to the U.N. Security
Council at U.N Headquarters in New York City and kicked out of the U.N. Human Rights Council in Geneva.
about African mercenary armies in Libya and about jet attacks on civilians were also used in a broad media campaign against
Libya. These two claims have been sidelined and have become more and more murky. The massacre claims, however, were used in
a legal, diplomatic, and military framework to justify NATO’s war on Libya.
Using Human Rights as a Pretext for War: The LLHR and its Unproven
One of the main sources for the claim that Qaddafi was killing his own people is the Libyan League
for Human Rights (LLHR). The LLHR was actually pivotal to getting the U.N. involved through its specific claims in Geneva.
On February 21, 2011 the LLHR got the 70 other non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to sent letters to the President Obama,
E.U. High Representative Catherine Ashton., and the U.N. Secretary-General Ban-ki Moon demanding international action against
Libya invoking the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine. Only 25 members of this coalition actually assert that
they are human rights groups.
The letter is as follows:
We, the undersigned non-governmental, human rights,
and humanitarian organizations, urge you to mobilize the United Nations and the international community and take immediate
action to halt the mass atrocities now being perpetrated by the Libyan government against its own people. The inexcusable
silence cannot continue.
As you know, in the past several days, Colonel Moammar Gadhafi’s forces are estimated
to have deliberately killed hundreds of peaceful protesters and innocent bystanders across the country. In the city of Benghazi
alone, one doctor reported seeing at least 200 dead bodies. Witnesses report that a mixture of special commandos, foreign
mercenaries and regime loyalists have attacked demonstrators with knives, assault rifles and heavy-caliber weapons.
are shooting peaceful protesters. Artillery and helicopter gunships have been used against crowds of demonstrators. Thugs
armed with hammers and swords attacked families in their homes. Hospital officials report numerous victims shot in the head
and chest, and one struck on the head by an anti-aircraft missile. Tanks are reported to be on the streets and crushing innocent
bystanders. Witnesses report that mercenaries are shooting indiscriminately from helicopters and from the top of roofs. Women
and children were seen jumping off Giuliana Bridge in Benghazi to escape. Many of them were killed by the impact of hitting
the water, while others were drowned. The Libyan regime is seeking to hide all of these crimes by shutting off contact with
the outside world. Foreign journalists have been refused entry. Internet and phone lines have been cut or disrupted.
is no question here about intent. The government media has published open threats, promising that demonstrators would meet
a “violent and thunderous response.”
Accordingly, the government of Libya is committing gross and
systematic violations of the right to life as guaranteed by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Citizens seeking to exercise their rights to freedom of expression and freedom of
assembly are being massacred by the government.
Moreover, the government of Libya is committing crimes against
humanity, as defined by the Explanatory Memorandum to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. The Libyan
government’s mass killing of innocent civilians amount to particularly odious offences which constitute a serious attack
on human dignity. As confirmed by numerous oral and video testimonies gathered by human rights organizations and news agencies,
the Libyan government’s assault on its civilian population are not isolated or sporadic events. Rather, these actions
constitute a widespread and systematic policy and practice of atrocities, intentionally committed, including murder, political
persecution and other inhumane acts which reach the threshold of crimes against humanity.
Responsibility to Protect
Under the 2005 World Summit Outcome
Document, you have a clear and unambiguous responsibility to protect the people of Libya. The international community, through
the United Nations, has the responsibility to use appropriate diplomatic, humanitarian and other peaceful means, in accordance
with Chapters VI and VIII of the Charter, to help to protect the Libyan population. Because the Libyan national authorities
are manifestly failing to protect their population from crimes against humanity, should peaceful means be inadequate, member
states are obliged to take collective action, in a timely and decisive manner, through the Security Council,
in accordance with the UN Charter, including Chapter VII.
In addition, we urge you to convene an emergency
Special Session of the UN Human Rights Council, whose members have a duty, under UNGA Resolution 60/251, to address
situations of gross and systematic violations of violations of human rights. The session should:
-Call for the General
Assembly to suspend Libya’s Council membership, pursuant to Article 8 of Resolution 60/251, which applies
to member states that commit gross and systematic violations of human rights.
-Strongly condemn, and demand an immediate
end to, Libya’s massacre of its own citizens.
-Dispatch immediately an international mission of independent experts
to collect relevant facts and document violations of international human rights law and crimes against humanity, in order
to end the impunity of the Libyan government. The mission should include an independent medical investigation into the deaths,
and an investigation of the unlawful interference by the Libyan government with the access to and treatment of wounded.
on the UN High Commissioner of Human Rights and the Council’s relevant Special Procedures to closely monitor the situation
and take action as needed.
-Call on the Council to remain seized of the matter and address the Libyan situation at
its upcoming 16th regular session in March.
Member states and high officials of the United Nations have a responsibility
to protect the people of Libya from what are preventable crimes. We urge you to use all available measures and levers to end
atrocities throughout the country.
We urge you to send a clear message that, collectively, the international community,
the Security Council and the Human Rights Council will not be bystanders to these mass atrocities. The credibility of the
United Nations — and many innocent lives — are at stake. 
to Physicians for Human Rights: “[This letter was] prepared under the guidance of Mohamed Eljahmi, the noted Libyan
human rights defender and brother of dissident Fathi Eljahmi, asserts that the widespread atrocities committed by Libya against
its own people amount to war crimes, requiring member states to take action through the Security Council under the responsibility
to protect doctrine.” 
The letters signatories included Francis Fukuyama, United Nations Watch (which looks
out for Israel’s interests and according to Israeli sources organized the entire session against the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya),
B’nai B’rith Human Rights Commission, the Cuban Democratic Directorate, and a set of organizations at odds with
the governments of Nicaragua, Cuba, Sudan, Russia, Venezuela, and Libya. Some of these organizations are viewed with hostility
as organizations created to wage demonization campaigns against countries at odds with the U.S., Israel, and the European
Union. Refer to the annex for the full list of signatories for consultation.
LLHR is tied to the International Federation
for Human Rights (FIDH), which is based in France and has ties to the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). FIDH is active
in many places in Africa and in activities involving the National Endowment for Democracy in the African continent. Both the
FIDH and LLHR also released a joint communiqué on February 21, 2011. In the communiqué both organizations asked for the international
community to “mobilize” and mention the International Criminal Court while also making a contradictory claiming
that over 400 to 600 people had died since February 15, 2011.  This of course was about 5,500 short of the claim that 6,000
people were massacred in Benghazi. The joint letter also promoted the false view that 80% of Qaddafi’s support came
from foreign mercenaries, which is something that over half a year of fighting proves as untrue.
According to the General-Secretary
of the LLHR, Dr. Sliman Bouchuiguir, the claims about the massacres in Benghazi could not be validated by the LLHR when he
was challenged for proof. When asked how a group of 70 non-governmental organizations in Geneva could support the LLHR’s
claims on Geneva, Dr. Buchuiguir has answered that a network of close relationship was the basis. This is a mockery.
is neither evidence nor grounds for starting a war with a bombing campaign that has lasted about half a year and taken many
innocent civilian lives, including children and the elderly. What is important to note here is that the U.N. Security Council
decided to sanction the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya on the basis of this letter and the claims of the LLHR. Not once did the U.N.
Security Council and the member states pushing for war once bother to even investigate the allegations. In one session in
New York City, the Indian Ambassador to the U.N. actually pointed this out when his country abstained from voting. Thus, a
so-called “humanitarian war” was launched without any evidence.
Global Research Editor’s Note: U.N. Watch which actively promoted the LLHR statement has informal ties
to the U.S. State Department. It was established during the Clinton Administration in 1993 under the Chairmanship of
Morris B. Abram, a former U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations in Geneva. U.N. Watch is formally affiliated
with the American Jewish Committee (AJC), a powerful pro-Israeli political lobby organization based in New York City.
The Secret Relationship between
the LLHR and the Transitional Council
The claims of the Libyan League for Human Rights (LLHR) were coordinated
with the formation of the Transitional Council. This becomes clear with when the close and cagey relationship of the LLHR
and the Transitional Council becomes apparent. Logically, the Obama Administration and NATO had to also be a part of this.
Whatever the Transitional Council is and whatever the intent of some of its supporters, it is clear that it is being
used as a tool by the U.S. and others. Moreover, five members of the LLHR were or would become members of the Transitional
Council almost immediately after the claims against the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya were disseminated. According to Bouchuguir
individuals with ties to the LLHR or who hold membership include Mahmoud Jibril and Ali Tarhouni.
Dr. Mahmoud Jibril
is a Libyan regime figure brought into Libyan government circles by Saif Al-Islam Qaddafi. He would undemocratically be given
the position of Transitional Council prime minister. His involvement with the LLHR raises some real questions about the organization.
economist Ali Tarhouni on the other hand would become the minister for oil and finance for the Transitional Council. Tarhouni
is Washington’s man in Libya. He was groomed in the United States and was present at all the major meetings about plans
for regime change in Libya. As Minister of Oil and Finance the first acts he did were privatize and virtually handover Libya’s
energy resources and economy.
The General-Secretary of the LLHR, Sliman Bouchuiguir, has even privately admitted that
many influential members of the Transitional Council are his friends. A real question of interests arises. Yet, the secret
relationship between the LLHR and the Transitional Council is far more than a question of conflict of interest. It is a question
of justice and manipulation.
is Sliman Bouchuiguir?
Sliman Bouchuguir is an unheard of figure for most, but he has authored a doctoral
thesis that has been widely quoted and used in strategic circles in the United States. This thesis was published in 1979 as
a book, The Use of Oil as a Political Weapon: A Case Study of the 1973 Arab oil Embargo. The thesis is about the
use of oil as an economic weapon by Arabs, but can easily be applied to the Russians, the Iranians, the Venezuelans, and others.
It examines economic development and economic warfare and can also be applied to vast regions, including all of Africa.
analytical thesis reflects an important line of thinking in Washington, as well as London and Tel Aviv. It is both the embodiment
of a pre-existing mentality, which includes U.S. National Security Advisor George F. Kennan’s arguments for maintaining
a position of disparity through a constant multi-faced war between the U.S. and its allies on one hand and the rest of the
world on the other hand. The thesis can be drawn on for preventing the Arabs, or others, from becoming economic powers or
threats. In strategic terms rival economies are pinned as threats and as “weapons.” This has serious connotations.
Bouchuiguir did his thesis at George Washington University under Bernard Reich. Reich is a political scientist and professor
of international relations. He has worked and held positions at places like the U.S. Defense Intelligence College, the United
States Air Force Special Operations School, the Marine Corps War College, and the Shiloah Center at Tel Aviv University. He
has consulted on the Middle East for the Foreign Service Institute of the U.S. State Department and received grants such as
the Defense Academic Research Support Program Research grant and the German Marshal Fund Grant. Reich also was or is presently
on the editorial boards of journals such as Israel Affairs (1994-present), Terrorism: An International Journal (1987-1994),
and The New Middle East (1971-1973).
It is also clear that Reich is tied to Israeli interests. He has even
written a book about the special relationship between the U.S and Israel. He has also been an advocate for a “New Middle
East” which would be favourable to Israel. This includes careful consideration over North Africa. His work has also
focused on the important strategic interface between the Soviet Union and the Middle East and also on Israeli policy in the
continent of Africa.
It is clear why Bouchuiguir has his thesis supervised under Reich. On October 23, 1973, Reich
gave a testimony at the U.S. Congress. The testimony has been named “The Impact of the October Middle East War”
and is clearly tied to the 1973 oil embargo and Washington’s aim of pre-empting or managing any similar events in the
future. It has to be asked, how much did Reich influence Bouchuiguir and if Bouchuiguir espouses the same strategic views
“New North Africa” and a “New Africa” – More than just a “New Middle East”
“New Africa” is in the works, which will have its borders further drawn out in blood like in the past. The Obama
Administration and its allies have opened the gateway for a new invasion of Africa. United States Africa Command (AFRICOM)
opened the salvos of the war through Operation Odyssey Damn, before the war on Libya was transferred to NATO’s Operation
The U.S. has used NATO to continue the occupation of post-Second World War Europe. It will now use
AFRICOM to occupy Africa and create an African NATO. It is clear the U.S. wants an expanded military presence in Libya and
Africa under the disguise of humanitarian aid missions and fighting terrorism – the same terrorism that it is fanning
in Libya and Africa.
The way is being paved for intervention in Africa under the guise of fighting terrorism. General
Carter Ham has stated: “If we were to launch a humanitarian operation, how do we do so effectively with air traffic
control, airfield management, [and] those kind of activities?”  General Ham’s question is actually a sales
pitch for fashioning African military partnerships and integration, as well as new bases that could include the use of more
military drones against Libya and other African countries. The Washington Post and The Wall Street Journal
(WSJ) have both made it clear that the Pentagon is actively trying to establish more drone bases in Africa and the Arabian
Peninsula to expand its wars.  In this context, the AFRICOM Commander said that there are ties between the Al-Shabaab in
Somalia, Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb in North Africa, and the Boko Harem in Nigeria. 
The War in Libya is a Fraud
Ham has said: “I remain confident that had the U.N. not made the decision, had the U.S. not taken the lead with great
support, I’m absolutely convinced there are many, many people in Benghazi alive today who would not be [alive].”
 This is not true and a far stretch from reality. The war has cost more lives than it could have ever saved. It has ruined
a country and opened the door into Africa for a neo-colonial project.
The claims of the Libyan League for Human Rights
(LLHR) were never supported or verified. The credibility of United Nations must be questioned as well as many humanitarian
and human rights organizations that have virtually pushed for a war. At best the U.N. Security Council is an irresponsible
body, but it has clearly acted outside of due legal process. This pattern now appears to be repeating itself against the Syrian
Arab Republic as unverified claims are being made by individuals and organizations supported by foreign powers that care nothing
for authentic democratic reforms or liberty.
Mahdi Darius Nazemroaya is a Sociologist
and Research Associate of the Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG). He specializes on the Middle East and Central
Asia. He was on the ground in Libya for over two months and was also a Special Correspondent for Flashpoints,
which is a program based in Berkeley, California.
 United Nations Watch et al., “Urgent Appeal to Stop Atrocities
in Libya: Sent by 70 NGOs to the US, EU, and UN,” February 21, 2011:
 Physicians for Human Rights, “PHR and Human
Rights Groups Call for Immediate Action in Libya,” February 22, 2011:
 The International Federation for Human Rights
(FIDH) and the Libyan League for Human Rights (LLHR), “Massacres in Libya: The international community must urgently,”
respond, February 21, 2011:
 Jim Garamone, “Africa Command Learns from
Libya Operations,” American Forces Press Service, September 15, 2011:
 Gregory Miller and Craig Whitlock, “U.S.
U.S. assembling secret drone bases in Africa, Arabian Peninsula, officials say,” The Washington Post, September
20, 2011; Julian E. Barnes, “U.S. Expands Drone Flights to Take Aim at East Africa,” The Wall Street Journal
(WSJ), September 21, 2011.
 Garamone, “Africa Command Learns,” Op. cit.
ANNEX: SIGNATORIES OF THE URGENT LETTER FOR ACTION ON LIBYA
February 12, 2011 – Geneva,
1. Hillel C. Neuer, United Nations Watch, Switzerland
2. Dr. Sliman Bouchuiguir, Libyan League for Human
3. Mary Kay Stratis, Victims of Pan Am Flight 103, Inc., USA
4. Carl Gershman, President, The National
Endowment for Democracy, USA
5. Yang Jianli, Initiatives for China, USA - Former prisoner of conscience and survivor of
Tiananmen Square massacre
6. Yang Kuanxing, YIbao - Chinese writer, original signatory to Charter 08, the manifesto calling
for political reform in China
7. Matteo Mecacci, MP, Nonviolent Radical Party, Italy
8. Frank Donaghue, Physicians for
Human Rights, USA
9. Nazanin Afshin-Jam, Stop Child Executions, Canada
10. Bhawani Shanker Kusum, Gram Bharati Samiti,
11. G. Jasper Cummeh, III, Actions for Genuine Democratic Alternatives, Liberia
12. Michel Monod, International
Fellowship of Reconciliation, Switzerland
13. Esohe Aghatise, Associazione Iroko Onlus, Italy
14. Harris O. Schoenberg,
UN Reform Advocates, USA
15. Myrna Lachenal, World Federation for Mental Health, Switzerland
16. Nguyên Lê Nhân Quyên,
Vietnamese League for Human Rights, Switzerland
17. Sylvia G. Iriondo, Mothers and Women against Repression (M.A.R. Por
18. David Littman, World Union for Progressive Judaism, Switzerland
19. Barrister Festus Okoye, Human
Rights Monitor, Nigeria
20. Theodor Rathgeber, Forum Human Rights, Germany
21. Derik Uya Alfred, Kwoto Cultural Center,
Juba – Southern Sudan
22. Carlos E Tinoco, Consorcio Desarrollo y Justicia, A.C., Venezuela
23. Abdurashid Abdulle
Abikar, Center for Youth and Democracy, Somalia
24. Dr. Vanee Meisinger, Pan Pacific and South East Asia Women’s
25. Simone Abel, René Cassin, United Kingdom
26. Dr. Francois Ullmann, Ingenieurs du Monde, Switzerland
Sr Catherine Waters, Catholic International Education Office, USA
28. Gibreil Hamid, Darfur Peace and Development Centre,
29. Nino Sergi, INTERSOS – Humanitarian Aid Organization, Italy
30. Daniel Feng, Foundation for China
in the 21st Century
31. Ann Buwalda, Executive Director, Jubilee Campaign, USA
32. Leo Igwe, Nigerian Humanist Movement,
33. Chandika Gautam, Nepal International Consumers Union, Nepal
34. Zohra Yusuf, Human Rights Commission
of Pakistan, Pakistan
35. Sekou Doumbia, Femmes & Droits Humains, Mali
36. Cyrille Rolande Bechon, Nouveaux Droits
de l'Homme, Cameroon
37. Zainab Al-Suwaij, American Islamic Congress, USA
38. Valnora Edwin, Campaign for Good
Governance, Sierra Leone
39. Patrick Mpedzisi, African Democracy Forum, South Africa
40. Phil ya Nangoloh, NamRights,
41. Jaime Vintimilla, Centro Sobre Derecho y Sociedad (CIDES), Ecuador
42. Tilder Kumichii Ndichia, Gender Empowerment
and Development, Cameroon
43. Amina Bouayach, Moroccan Organisation for Human Rights, Morocco
44. Abdullahi Mohamoud
Nur, CEPID-Horn Africa, Somalia
45. Delly Mawazo Sesete, Resarch Center on Environment, Democracy & Human Rights, DR
46. Joseph Rahall, Green Scenery, Sierra Leone
47. Arnold Djuma, Solidarité pour la Promotion Sociale et la Paix,
48. Panayote Dimitras, Greek Helsinki Monitor, Greece
49. Carlos E. Ponce, Latina American and Caribbean Network
for Democracy, Venezuela
50. Fr. Paul Lansu, Pax Christi International, Belgium
51. Tharsika Pakeerathan, Swiss Council
of Eelam Tamils, Switzerland
52. Ibrahima Niang, Commission des Droits Humains du Mouvement Citoyen, Senegal
Swain, Center for Global Community and World Law, USA
54. Dr Yael Danieli, International Society for Traumatic Stress Studies,
55. Savita Gokhale, Loksadhana, India
56. Hasan Dheeree, Biland Awdal Organization, Somalia
57. Pacifique Nininahazwe,
Forum pour le Renforcement de la Société Civile, Burundi
58. Derik Uya Alfred, Kwoto Cultural Center, Southern Sudan
Michel Golubnichy, International Association of Peace Foundations, Russia
60. Edward Ladu Terso, Multi Media Training
61. Hafiz Mohammed, Justice Africa Sudan, Sudan
62. Sammy Eppel, B'nai B’rith Human Rights Commission,
63. Jack Jeffery, International Humanist and Ethical Union, United Kingdom
64. Duy Hoang, Viet Tan, Vietnam
Promotion de la Democratie et Protection des Droits Humains, DR Congo
66. Radwan A. Masmoudi, Center for the Study of Islam
& Democracy, USA
67. María José Zamora Solórzano, Movimiento por Nicaragua, Nicaragua
68. John Suarez, Cuban Democratic
69. Mohamed Abdul Malek, Libya Watch, United Kingdom
70. Journalists Union of Russia, Russia
Sindi Medar-Gould, BAOBAB for Women’s Human Rights, Nigeria
72. Derik Uya Alfred, Kwoto Cultural Centre, Sudan
Sr. Anne Shaym, Presentation Sisters, Australia
74. Joseph Rahad, Green Scenery, Sierra Leone
75. Fahma Yusuf Essa,
Women in Journalism Association, Somalia
76. Hayder Ibrahim Ali, Sudanese Studies Center, Sudan
77. Marcel Claude Kabongo,
Good Governance and Human Rights NGO, DR Congo
78. Frank Weston, International Multiracial Shared Cultural Organization
79. Fatima Alaoui, Maghrebin Forum for environment and development, Morocco
80. Ted Brooks, Committee for
Peace and Development Advocacy, Liberia
81. Felly Fwamba, Cerveau Chrétien, DR Congo
82. Jane Rutledge, CIVICUS: World
Alliance of Citizen Participation, South Africa
83. Ali AlAhmed, The Institute for Gulf Affairs, USA
Ozoukou, Martin Luther King Center for Peace and Social Justice, Cote d'Ivoire
85. Dan T. Saryee, Liberia Democratic
Institute (LDI), Liberia
Dr. Frene Ginwala, former Speaker of the South African National Assembly
Mohamed Eljahmi, Libyan human rights activist
Glenn P. Johnson, Jr., Treasurer, Victims of Pan
Am Flight 103, Inc., father of Beth Ann Johnson, victim of Lockerbie bombing
Source: U.N. Watch (Refer to note